Official Report 471KB pdf
The next item of business is a members’ business debate on motion S6M-20434, in the name of Kenneth Gibson, on approaching the fourth anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The debate will be concluded without any question being put.
Motion debated,
That the Parliament recognises that 24 February 2026 marks the fourth anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine following the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014 and proxy war in Donetsk and Luhansk; believes that Russian forces continue to indiscriminately bombard Ukrainian cities and control around one fifth of Ukraine’s territory, including Luhansk, Crimea and most of Donetsk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhia; considers that fighting and air strikes have resulted in over 53,000 civilian casualties and that President Putin’s veiled threats throughout the war to use nuclear weapons have raised fears of escalation; notes that around 3.7 million people are internally displaced in Ukraine and roughly 6.9 million refugees are recorded globally, including over 29,000 Ukrainians who arrived in Scotland, including in Cunninghame North, with a sponsor in Scotland through the Homes for Ukraine scheme; acknowledges the immense military casualties suffered by both sides, particularly Russia, given what it sees as its profligate use of manpower; notes the view that any ceasefire or settlement that cedes territory or lacks binding security guarantees could allow Russia to regroup and renew attacks, and that this would create the risk of a Carthaginian peace intended to permanently weaken and then annexe Ukraine; further notes the view that robust international support, including military, economic and humanitarian assistance, is essential to enable the survival of Ukraine, deter further aggression and secure a just and lasting peace, and expresses solidarity with the people and armed forces of Ukraine.
12:48
I thank Ross Greer, Paul Sweeney and my Scottish National Party colleagues, who signed my motion to enable this debate to take place.
I welcome the members of the Ukraine Solidarity Campaign who are sitting in the public gallery, and thank them for their work to ensure that the war of aggression that has been waged against Ukraine remains in our minds, and for calling out those who backslide in their support for that embattled democratic nation.
Just over four years ago, life in Ukraine changed for ever. On 24 February 2022, what seemed unthinkable in 21st century Europe happened: Russian tanks rolled into Ukraine, from Belarus in the north, Russia in the east and occupied Crimea in the south. Thus began Russian President Putin’s illegal and full-scale invasion of proudly independent Ukraine, 92.3 per cent of whose citizens had voted to exit the Soviet Union in a referendum that took place barely two decades earlier.
Let us not forget that, in 2014, Russia unilaterally annexed Crimea by stealth, after thousands of Russian soldiers quietly infiltrated military bases and public buildings. The subsequent hastily arranged sham referendum, which excluded the status quo as an option, was boycotted by Crimeans who were loyal to Ukraine, but was cynically used by President Putin as justification to take Crimea under his control.
Western democracies, including the United Kingdom, must reflect and ask themselves uncomfortable questions about why they underestimated the clear and obvious warning signs that Putin’s Russia was a threat to peace. One example is his support of alleged separatists in eastern Ukraine who, in reality, wanted to merge with Russia. Infamously, they shot down Malaysia Airlines flight 17 in eastern Ukraine, killing 298 innocent people after being armed by Putin to fight an insurgency by proxy that continued for eight years prior to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
Even in the days leading to 24 February 2022, western diplomats thought Russia’s mobilisation to be a bluff, and that a full-scale invasion simply could not happen in this day and age. When Putin announced that Russian forces would carry out a so-called special military operation in Ukraine, the realisation finally dawned that Russia had launched the largest military assault on another European country since the second world war. Ukraine’s President Zelenskyy declared full military mobilisation and, against all expectations, Ukraine did not fall. In many areas, Putin’s forces were driven back over the border by a combination of heroic Ukrainian resistance and stupefyingly inept Russian military incompetence.
They withdrew, leaving stark evidence of atrocities behind them. At Bucha, a Kyiv suburb, 1,400 people were murdered during a 33-day occupation by Russian forces—a war crime with widespread evidence of the rape and torture of victims. In late spring, summer and autumn 2022, Ukraine achieved remarkable military success, liberating thousands of square kilometres that had recently been taken by Russia. Yet, as winter began, 20 per cent of Ukraine remained under occupation, as it does to this day. One consequence of that was the kidnapping and forced Russification of 19,000 Ukrainian children, who have been brought up to hate their country and who are still in captivity.
In those heady days of 2022, it seemed that one more big push in 2023, which was telegraphed for months in advance, would drive out the foe. It did not happen. The Russians laid vast minefields and prepared defences in depth. A timid President Biden and NATO provided Ukraine with billions of dollars in weaponry and economic aid, yet starved Ukraine of armour, missiles, jet fighters and munitions, and had a blatant but unstated policy of stopping Ukraine from losing but doing nothing to help it to win. A plethora of weapons in penny packets with different calibres required a bewildering array of training and spare parts and, coupled with a refusal to allow weapons to be fired into Russia, it hobbled Ukraine’s military effectiveness and ensured further degradation of Ukrainian land, in which all munitions would fall. It also enabled Russian logistics to move supplies almost to the border unhindered. Fear of nuclear escalation was the alleged reason for such reticence, as if Putin would nuke an area that he wants to incorporate into Russia. Ukraine fought on, with one hand tied behind its back. The heroism of its hopelessly outnumbered soldiers and stoic civilians is truly remarkable.
We must never forget those who bear the brunt of this unnecessary and unprovoked war. The Center for Strategic and International Studies estimates that Ukraine has suffered up to 600,000 battlefield casualties, with 140,000 deaths and tens of thousands of civilians dead and wounded. Russia, more profligate with the lives of its soldiers, has sustained around 1.2 million casualties, including 325,000 killed, with continuing losses of 1,000 men a day, many of whom are young conscripts. That is an appalling waste of human life.
I associate myself entirely with everything that Kenny Gibson is saying. He might be coming on to talk about the support that people in Scotland are showing for Ukraine. Will he join me in saluting the many voluntary groups throughout the country, including Tayside and Strathearn Help for Ukraine, based in Errol in Perthshire, which collects donated goods from all over Scotland, including food, clothing and medical supplies, and takes them on a weekly trucking journey to Ukraine to help those in need? Will he join me in calling on the Scottish Government to do what it can to support those efforts in Scotland?
I absolutely agree with that very welcome intervention. Indeed, it means that I no longer have to cover that part of my speech, because Mr Fraser has touched on it. I concur with what he says. I am just about to move on to Scotland’s support for Ukraine.
Meanwhile, 3.7 million Ukrainians who have been driven from their homes are internally displaced, and 5.9 million have been forced to cross into neighbouring countries. In Scotland, 29,000 Ukrainians—mostly women and children—arrived with a sponsor through the homes for Ukraine scheme and have made an invaluable contribution. That includes a former intern in my office, who found a new home with a family in Beith.
I welcome the on-going voluntary work to help the people of Ukraine, which Mr Fraser touched on. I also welcome the Scottish Government’s unwavering support for Ukraine and Neil Gray’s sterling work as minister with special responsibility for Ukraine. Although Scotland’s devolved Government is limited in how it can support Ukraine’s people, we must do what we can. For example, to help to defend against deadly Russian drone attacks, more than 280 tonnes of fishing nets were sent from Scotland, following a request from President Zelenskyy’s Government. Vital infrastructure and strategic locations in eastern Ukraine are now protected by nets draped overhead, which catch exploding drones. On the meat grinder of its front line, Russia has barely inched forward in the past 30 months, but the use of drones makes it almost impossible for people to live safely within 30 miles of Russia’s lines.
The Ukraine Solidarity Campaign Scotland urges all candidates in the upcoming Scottish parliamentary election to support its five pledges for Ukraine and the Ukrainian people. Full details will be sent to all candidates, but the top line of each pledge is: first, to help the Ukrainian people to defeat the illegal Russian invasion of their country; second, to prevent Russia from financing its invasion of Ukraine through trade; third, to build practical solidarity links between the Scottish and Ukrainian people; fourth, to help Ukrainian refugees to build new lives here if they want to do so; and finally, to provide necessary Scottish Government material support for Ukrainian refugees. I trust that all candidates, across all parties, will support those aims.
Preventing Russia from financing its invasion of Ukraine through trade is particularly pertinent. Putin has been handed a billion-dollar windfall as the United States loosens sanctions on Russian exports due to the surge in global oil prices, which, ironically, is caused by the US’s illegal war on Iran. Iran supplies the notorious Shahed drones that Putin sends indiscriminately, night after night, against Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure. President Trump is seemingly in awe of Putin, and his ham-fisted peace negotiators’ approach makes it look more like he is pursuing a real estate deal—a deal similar to the infamous Munich agreement that Hitler, Mussolini, Chamberlain and Daladier imposed on Czechoslovakia in 1938. Appeasement is never the answer. Ukraine has been urged to make all the concessions to end a war that it did not start.
Despite this grim picture, the Ukrainian people’s determination to achieve a just peace remains resolute. We must not accept the Carthaginian peace that President Putin desires, which would allow him to permanently weaken Ukraine and annex the country at a later date. Peace is best achieved by Russia abandoning its imperialist war, vacating areas conquered and leaving an independent democratic Ukraine to decide its own future, with its territorial integrity restored.
While the world’s media focus is, understandably, on the latest middle east conflict, Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities are hit daily by Russian missiles, thousands perish on the front and peace talks appear moribund. Four years on from Russia’s invasion, Ukraine remains steadfast, while Putin wastefully throws away the lives of his soldiers. Russia is a major threat to much of eastern Europe, as those nations well know. The Baltics do not believe that, if successful, Putin will stop at Ukraine, and neither should we. It is our duty to do everything in our power to ensure that he is not successful, including whole-heartedly supporting Ukraine, financially and militarily. Glory to Ukraine.
Before we move to the open debate, I encourage members who wish to participate to make sure that their cards are in and that they have pressed their request-to-speak buttons.
12:58
I thank Kenny Gibson for securing the debate. This is likely to be my last speech in this place.
Last month marked four years since Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. What was originally dismissed by the Kremlin as a three-day march on Kyiv has instead become a historic example of human endurance. For four years, the Ukrainian people have stood unyielding, proving that the pursuit of self-determination cannot be crushed by imperial aspirations. We must be clear that that resilience has come at a staggering, heartbreaking cost. Casualties on both sides are estimated at 2 million dead and wounded.
Despite the grief, Ukraine is no longer seen simply as a recipient of aid. It has emerged as a vital security partner and, as it has reclaimed territory, it has reshaped the future of modern defence through innovation and sheer grit.
The spirit of defiance is not just felt on the front lines; it vibrates through every corner of the world where Ukrainians have found a temporary home. In Aberdeen, that spirit is stronger than ever. Through organisations such as the Ukrainian Hub Aberdeen and student societies, displacement has been transformed into a powerful force for advocacy. From the solemn vigils at Marischal Square to the Sunday schools preserving the Ukrainian language for a new generation, the diaspora in the north-east is ensuring that the struggle for freedom remains at the very heart of our community’s consciousness.
I am proud of my city of Aberdeen for its efforts in rallying around and helping our Ukrainian friends and neighbours in their time of need, and I am proud of my native city for so many other reasons. It has been an honour to serve the people of Aberdeen in one way, shape or form for 27 years—13 years on Aberdeen City Council and 15 years in this Parliament. It was a privilege to serve as a minister for seven of my years here and to help shape our country and make it a better place to live in—a task that would be much easier if we had the full powers of independence.
I thank all the people of Aberdeen who voted for me over the years, my family for putting up with the stresses and strains that elected office brings, and all the staff who have worked for me over the years. I offer a special thanks to my current head of office, Logan Unwin, and to Doug Daniel, Blair Fulton and David McNay. An MSP is nothing if they do not have good staff to help them serve the people. Serving the people is what the Parliament should be about but, unfortunately, it seems that some folk have forgotten that. That has to change so that the Parliament can truly meet the needs and aspirations of the people of Scotland.
My final words are freedom for Scotland and slava Ukraini.
13:02
I am pleased to follow Kevin Stewart in giving his last address to the Scottish Parliament. Of course, I wish him all the very best. He is right, as were Murdo Fraser and Kenny Gibson, to highlight the response of the communities of Scotland and the resilience of the Ukrainian people. Ukraine is fighting for its survival and our freedom. It is right that we take this time in Parliament to place on record our solidarity with the Ukrainian people and with the brave men and women of the Ukrainian armed forces defending their country.
We should be in no doubt about what this war is. It is not a misunderstanding or a border dispute—it is a criminal and illegal invasion, ordered by Vladimir Putin. He has behaved not as a statesman but as a gangster. The destruction of cities, the deaths and injuries of tens of thousands of civilians and the displacement of millions are the direct consequences of his aggression.
In recent months, the scale of the attacks has intensified. Ukrainian cities are being subjected to mass drone and missile strikes night after night, with hundreds of drones in a single wave, dozens of missiles fired in one barrage, power stations destroyed, homes flattened, children killed, and families left in the winter without heat or electricity. Those are not legitimate military targets. The attacks are acts of terror directed at a civilian population. Let us not forget that against that brutality stands the extraordinary courage of the Ukrainian people. We should also remember the many Ukrainian women and children who came here to Scotland, as has been mentioned, at the beginning of the conflict, and how the communities of Scotland have stepped forward.
Britain has the right—and has been right—to stand firmly with Ukraine. The training given by British forces and the equipment supplied has mattered enormously, but this is not the moment for any slackening of that commitment. Ukraine’s security is bound up with our national interest. Indeed, the war in Ukraine is teaching us a hard lesson that drone warfare at scale is now the method of choice in such conflicts. It has also taught us the critical importance of air defence and the need to provide munitions in serious quantities.
That is the reality. Those lessons must be learned quickly. Britain must increase defence spending. We must expand our munitions production and invest in systems that defend our homeland against mass drone and missile attack. We should be stockpiling drones and strengthening ground-based air defences. In time, Britain will need its own equivalent of an iron dome.
However, it is not just about equipment but about people. We need to encourage more young Scots into the defence industry, engineering, advanced manufacturing and apprenticeships in the high-technology drone sector that is reshaping modern warfare. Those are skilled, high-value jobs for the young people of Scotland and they are critical to our national security.
That is why the Scottish National Party’s position is, at times, frustrating, to be frank. Warm words about Ukraine mean little if there is hesitation about the industrial effort that is required to produce the munitions and equipment that Ukraine needs. These are serious times and they demand serious politics.
The international community must remain firm. Sanctions on Russia must not weaken. There are suggestions in the light of tensions in the middle east that oil and gas sanctions should be released. That would be a profound mistake. It would be a betrayal of our values. Russia’s war must not be financed by the revenue that sanctions were designed to constrain. The only way to protect peace is to be strong in the face of aggression. Britain must stand—we must stand—firmly beside Ukraine until the war ends in a just peace and their victory because aggression must never be rewarded.
Before I call the next speaker, I encourage the cabinet secretary to put his card in. I call Jamie Hepburn.
13:07
I pay tribute to and thank my friend Kevin Stewart for his many years of public service and wish him all the best for the future.
I am also grateful for the opportunity to speak in support of the motion, in the name of Kenny Gibson, marking four years since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine—an event that has reshaped that nation’s future and reverberated across our continent. We should, of course, be clear that the conflict did not begin in 2022—Kenny Gibson made that point—but has its roots in the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the destabilisation of eastern Ukraine through proxy war in Donetsk and Luhansk.
What we have witnessed since is not an isolated event but a sustained assault on sovereignty, international law and the principle that borders cannot be redrawn by force. Above all, the human cost has been staggering.
Last month, President Zelenskyy, whose courageous leadership has rightly been recognised across the globe, said that 55,000 Ukrainian combatants had been killed. Others put the figure higher—indeed, Kenny Gibson cited another figure. Some 200,000 or more Russian military personnel have been killed. Again, others put the figure much higher. More than 15,000 civilians have been killed and more than 40,000 injured. That is a senseless waste of human life.
Millions more people have been displaced within Ukraine or forced to flee their country. In Scotland, we have seen that human impact directly as thousands of Ukrainians have found refuge in our communities. That solidarity speaks to our fundamental values. Those who have come here, as others have come from other conflicts, are welcome to be with us as long as they need, although I am sure that we all hope that they will be able to return home safely soon.
In that vein, I was pleased to meet and speak with Zhenya Dove when she was at the Parliament as part of the Ukrainian community in Scotland as they brought their exhibition entitled “The Weight We Carried” to this place. Being confronted with the question of what I would take if I had to pack my life into one suitcase was a stark demonstration of the reality that many Ukrainians have had to face in dealing with that question through their lived experience rather than through the hypothetical scenario that was put to me.
In this debate, we must confront the wider implications for countries across eastern Europe, including Poland, the Baltic states and Moldova. This war has understandably triggered profound concern. They consider the history—they look at Ukraine and ask, if aggression is rewarded, who might be next?
That is why concerns about the future cohesion of long-established arrangements for mutual defence cannot be dismissed. Donald Trump’s various utterances about Europe and Greenland have raised doubts about the unconditional nature of collective defence. If that guarantee becomes conditional or transactional, the credibility of deterrence is weakened, and if deterrence is weakened, the risks to peace increase.
On the issue of peace, Kenny Gibson’s motion also speaks about the nature of any future peace. Peace is the end destination that we all must aim for, but it must be real and it must be meaningful. A settlement that rewards aggression, that involves ceding territory at the barrel of a gun and that is without security guarantees risks not ending the conflict but merely pausing it. History teaches us that unstable peace can sow the seeds of future war.
Our message today should be clear: Ukraine must be supported not only in defending itself today but in securing a just and lasting peace tomorrow. That requires sustained assistance, unity among allies and a recognition that the stakes extend beyond Ukraine’s borders. We should affirm not only our solidarity with the people of Ukraine but our commitment to the principles that underpin peace and stability across Europe.
13:11
I thank Kenny Gibson for securing this members’ business debate; however, I am saddened that it is still necessary. The brutal and illegal full-scale invasion of Ukraine is on-going after four years—four years of families being torn apart, four years of lives being lost, four years of truly barbaric war crimes and four years of unbreakable solidarity between Scotland and Ukraine.
It is difficult to express the extent of how tragic this war has been. It has resulted in 53,000 civilian casualties, 3.7 million people being internally displaced and 5.9 million people being displaced worldwide. I would like to note a recent United Nations report detailing the extent to which Ukrainian children are being torn from their families and taken to Russian-occupied areas or even further into Russia. The UN verified 1,250 reports of such action, which contravenes international humanitarian law. The reality, though, is that many times that number have been forcibly abducted and brainwashed into becoming Russians. It grieves me to think of the many parents who are simply unaware of their children’s fate and who long for their return to their families.
That is just one of the many reasons why we must continue to support Ukraine in its war efforts and support the 29,000 Ukrainians who have arrived in Scotland. I have been fortunate enough, as convener of the cross-party group on Ukraine, to meet many of the displaced Ukrainians. They are a credit to their country and have shown a level of resilience, courage and community spirit that continues to inspire me and, I am sure, would inspire everyone in the chamber.
In our meetings, I have heard at first hand the struggles that some have experienced when settling in Scotland. One barrier for Ukrainians who settle in Scotland is recognition of their qualifications. We have heard from qualified therapists and nurses who are unable to work in their field, and I urge the Scottish Government to work with the UK Government to address that issue, as doing so would go a very long way towards closing the skills gap in our population.
I was pleased to see President Zelenskyy visit the UK this week to sign a new defence pact with the UK Government, aimed at tackling attack drones. Throughout this invasion, the UK and the European Union have stepped up, and they should be proud of the support that they have given.
I am, however, gravely concerned about the US Government’s decision to ease sanctions on countries that buy Russian oil. Worryingly, reports claim that monthly Russian oil exports could be boosted by £7.5 billion. Make no mistake: any country that purchases this oil is directly funding Putin’s war effort and, in turn, horrendous war crimes.
I am also concerned that the ill-judged conflict between the US and Iran is taking the focus off Ukraine and its struggles—even more so if it results in shortages of missiles and drones to defend Ukraine. In that regard, it is ironic that Trump is now looking to Ukraine to step up and provide its expertise in drone warfare, even as he talks down the country and its war effort.
It is also important that we take steps towards rebuilding Ukraine once the war is won. I am pleased to see that the Scottish Government is taking steps towards that through the signing of a memorandum of understanding, which will promote economic co-operation on trade, investment and economic development between the Scottish and Ukrainian Governments. It is a welcome first step on the road to recovery.
As this will be my last speech before dissolution, I want to thank members across the chamber and the Scottish Government for their consistent solidarity with Ukraine. I truly hope that we will see a peaceful end to the war soon.
13:15
I congratulate Mr Gibson, the member for Cunninghame North, on securing today’s debate with his members’ business motion, which I was pleased to sign.
More than four years have passed since Vladimir Putin launched his brutal all-out invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 in the worst escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian war since 2014. What Russia had intended as a lightning conquest of the capital city of Ukraine became a grinding war of attrition, yet the Ukrainian people continue to defend their sovereignty with extraordinary courage and resilience, despite appalling atrocities, hardship and casualties.
During the Easter recess last year, I joined a cross-party group of volunteers, who included Alex Cole-Hamilton MSP, Angus MacDonald MP and Danny Chambers MP, to drive a convoy of old national health service ambulances that were loaded with humanitarian and medical aid from London to Lviv. It was organised by Mighty Convoy, and we drove non-stop in shifts across seven countries and covered the distance in around 36 hours, fuelled primarily by caffeine, Haribo and a determination and shared commitment to stand with Ukraine.
As we crossed the border from Poland, the reality of total war hit us immediately. Instead of displaying typical advertisements for the consumer goods that we might be familiar with, billboards warned of disinformation and called for young people to volunteer as drone operators. Rural roads and village churches—which are much like our own in Scotland, although Ukrainian churches tend to have those glittering Orthodox onion domes—were lined with Ukrainian flags to mark the recent graves of fallen soldiers. It was a heartbreaking and stark reminder of the immense human cost borne by communities across that vast nation and an indication of what we ourselves went through a century or so ago, with the war memorials that were put up in every corner of every village and town in Scotland.
We delivered the ambulances to dedicated volunteers at the Christian Medical Association of Ukraine in Lviv, who ensured that they reached the front-line units sustaining the armed forces. Lviv’s beautiful old town, which is a United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization world heritage site reminiscent of Prague or Krakow, felt subdued under curfew and wartime restrictions, and there were eerie reminders of the vulnerability of Ukrainian cities to Russian attack, such as the netting strung from lampposts in case of a drone attack.
The next day, we visited the UNBROKEN Center. It is the national rehabilitation centre at Saint Panteleimon hospital, Ukraine’s pioneering, state-of-the-art medical facility, and it provides surgical care, prosthetics and mental health support to all those who have life-changing injuries from the war, some of which are too appalling to talk about.
As we toured, the nationwide minute of silence, a daily ritual to honour the fallen, began at 9 am. The medics at the centre expressed their keen interest in collaborating with Scotland, given the expertise that we have across the national health service, particularly at WestMARC—the west of Scotland mobility and rehabilitation centre—at the Queen Elizabeth university hospital and the Canniesburn plastic surgery and burns unit at Glasgow royal infirmary. We have real knowledge to share in that area, but we have a lot to learn about national resilience from Ukraine, too.
We met the Lviv mayor, Andriy Sadovyi, who revealed that his city diverts 20 per cent of its budget—the equivalent of all of Glasgow City Council’s council tax revenue—to procuring weapons for the front line, all the while managing bomb damage and caring for mass casualties. They do not want to let the Russians grind them down, and repairs are carried out promptly and vigorously to ensure that morale is maintained.
We also toured one of Ukraine’s many drone production facilities. What looked like a modest industrial unit in a suburban neighbourhood produces 10,000 advanced one-way attack drones monthly for the armed forces. As Mr Kerr has mentioned, drones now cause up to 80 per cent of daily combat losses and have transformed the nature of modern warfare, with people using them to actively hunt soldiers on the front line.
The most poignant moment came at a combat medic training base when we handed over the keys to one of the ambulances, which was bound for a field hospital far to the east of where we were. The brigade commander became emotional. In the larger picture, it was a modest gesture, but the gratitude and solidarity were overwhelming to him. He talked about a recent attack that had claimed more than 30 lives, and about how British-supplied air defences were now their primary shield against Russian rockets.
That journey reinforced what I have long believed—that the front line of European democracy is a mere three tanks of diesel away from Scotland. We all have a profound stake in Ukraine’s success. Around 40 per cent of all humanitarian aid arriving in Ukraine is donated, funded or transported by small organisations and charities, and, last September, we welcomed the team from Mighty Convoy here to the Parliament. Led by businessman Simon Brake, it is working through a growing network of engaged volunteers and partners across the United Kingdom to deliver vehicles and humanitarian aid to trusted charity partners. I encourage all members—and indeed anyone watching—to connect with those organisations and show their own solidarity.
It has been immense to see the contribution that Scotland has made to the war effort, as unnecessary and appalling as the war is. We have to remember that we must look after those who have sought refuge in Scotland, and we have to build connections within our own communities. I have certainly been enjoying doing that in Glasgow with the Association of Ukrainians in Great Britain, the Balgrayhill Ukrainian Tenants Alliance and others. We can do so much at home, while keeping up the effort to sustain Ukraine in its fight for freedom.
13:21
I thank Kenny Gibson for bringing this debate to the chamber, four years on from the start of the conflict. It is perhaps a sign that four years have passed with no resolution that we now have to search down the social media news columns to find stories about the Ukraine war.
When we do so, however, we will find a current analysis of the situation by that fantastic journalist Jeremy Bowen. In an article, Mr Bowen starts off in Donetsk, on a cold night. He writes:
“Dystopian military vehicles straight out of Mad Max rumble past, encased in their own cages of steel and netting.”
He notes that the roads are covered overhead with fishing nets that
“go on for miles, suspended from wooden poles”,
and that the nets snag the propellers of the Russian drones and protect people from direct blasts that will kill them and destroy any vehicles—often civilian vehicles—that are targeted. He tells us that
“Much of the netting has been donated by European fishermen.”
Indeed, the Scottish Government has sent about
“280 tonnes of salmon nets that were about to be recycled.”
It is a small contribution from Scotland, but one that makes a huge difference.
Drones seem to be one of the key weapons being deployed by both sides. They have transformed the war from the failed gung-ho attack that was launched in the early days by Putin to this war of attrition that involves inching forward day by day, with drone technology delivering most of the damage.
Recently, our friend Elon Musk has effectively switched off Russian access, via third parties, to his Starlink satellite system, which was helping the Russians locate and accurately acquire targets on the ground. That is an advantage for Ukraine at the moment, but it is expected that Russian technology experts will soon find a workaround.
Various different figures have been shared by members today. Estimates of losses on both sides are unreliable, but it is thought that more than 1 million Russians could have been killed or wounded, and that 500,000 Ukrainians have been killed or wounded or are missing. Those are incredible numbers—they are tragic losses that should never have occurred. The likelihood, however, is that Putin will keep on sacrificing his young men, no matter the cost in Russian lives, to achieve his goal of subjugating the nation of Ukraine.
It is also well known that Putin is recruiting and bringing in North Koreans, Cubans and Kenyans, as well as soldiers from Egypt and even India, many of whom have been hoodwinked and drafted in by Putin to the front. It is probably a sign of desperation, and some Governments are demanding that Putin stops recruiting their citizens with false promises of jobs and prosperity for their families.
How will this awful conflict end? It appears to me from the most recent published negotiations that Ukraine is being asked to give up everything and Russia nothing. President Zelenskyy has said no to giving up Ukrainian soil to the Russians to get peace. As one father in Mr Bowen’s article put it,
“If a maniac comes to your home and says, ‘Give me your daughter and I won’t come back,’ do you really think that a man like this—who rapes and pillages—is simply going to stop?”
I sincerely hope that Europe continues to back Ukraine to the hilt—it must. The Russians are gambling that we will not and that their war of attrition succeeds. At the end of the day, this is a war that Russia can never win, like so many of its past conflicts. There can surely only be a few Russians, from the top down, who actively want to capture Ukraine, but there are 80 million Ukrainians from the bottom up who will fight to prevent that from happening.
The power of the people is always greater than the people in power, and Scotland supports you. Myr ta svobodu Ukraini. Peace and freedom to Ukraine.
13:25
I thank colleagues for their thoughtful contributions to this debate. The Scottish Parliament speaks with one voice in solidarity with Ukraine. If one was watching proceedings, one would not be able to guess which party any of us represented. We are speaking with one voice.
Kenneth Gibson, to whom I pay tribute for bringing this debate to the chamber, reminded us of the Putin playbook in Crimea and eastern Ukraine in 2014. It is really important to remember that, because it is happening again. For anybody who is not aware of it, I draw their attention to what has been reported as happening this week in the so-called people’s republic of Narva in Estonia. They are doing it again—be warned. Kenneth Gibson reminded us of the lessons of history. Never forget appeasement. Never forget what was agreed with Nazi Germany in relation to the Sudetenland in 1938 and what followed from that.
Murdo Fraser paid tribute to Scottish volunteers and charities, and he was absolutely right to say that we need to do more. Yesterday, I had discussions with the Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund, the head of Caritas Ukraine, who has been in Scotland this week, and the head of Caritas Europe. We need to do more and to continue to do everything that we can.
I have written to the cabinet secretary about Tayside and Strathearn Help for Ukraine, which is still being overwhelmed with donations from people across Scotland, but it is running out of money due to how expensive it is to run trucks to Ukraine every week because of fuel costs and so on. He has not replied to my letter yet—at least, I have not seen a response. If the Scottish Government can do anything, I encourage it to assist that charity, because it does vital work. If it runs out of cash, it will have to stop sending vital supplies to Ukraine.
I hear the concerns that Murdo Fraser has raised. I will look very closely and as sympathetically as I can at the correspondence.
After he intervened earlier, Kevin Stewart made a very moving speech—his last of the parliamentary session. With your indulgence, Deputy Presiding Officer, I will pay tribute to him. He has been a remarkable public servant for 27 years. He has served as a member of the Scottish Parliament representing the city of Aberdeen and as a Government minister in a number of portfolios, during which time he discharged his duties with tremendous engagement and professionalism—and we must not forget his local government background in Aberdeen. I have known him for a long time, and he has been a remarkable servant to the Scottish National Party and the cause of independence. I pay tribute to him, but I know that he will not leave the political stage, even though he might be leaving the Parliament.
Stephen Kerr reminded us of a really important point: Ukrainians are not fighting only for Ukraine; they are fighting for us all in Europe. We need to stand by them. He reminded us of the targeting of Ukrainian civilians and civilian infrastructure. Those are acts of terrorism by the Russians, and they need to be described as such. He said that there should be no slackening of our commitments and that we should encourage the United Kingdom and other countries to provide everything that Ukraine requires to defend itself and to liberate the occupied territories.
Jamie Hepburn recounted the cost of the conflict and the solidarity that exists in Scotland. He also underlined the importance of our collective defence.
Colin Beattie spoke of his concerns, which I share, about the lifting of sanctions against Russia and the diversion of attention and armaments to the middle east.
Paul Sweeney recounted his experience of volunteering and of visiting Ukraine, and he spoke about the necessity of resilience there and here, which is an important lesson for us. I join him in paying tribute to Scottish volunteering efforts and volunteers.
Willie Coffey highlighted that Scotland has recently supplied fishing nets to Ukraine to counter the use of drones. He said that we need to back Ukraine to the hilt and that there must be a just end to the conflict.
As we heard, it is now more than four years since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The human cost remains shocking, but the past few months have at least seen Ukraine strengthen its position on the front line. We pay tribute to the men and women of the Ukrainian armed forces, who are paying for it in blood and treasure, and we welcome the increasing possibility of Ukraine retaking territories in the south. Increased access to military technology, including Ukrainian-manufactured drones, has enabled the Ukrainian army to make those gains, while minimising its own troop losses.
However, events in the middle east are clearly having unintended impacts on the conflict in Ukraine. Increased global oil prices are bringing an additional $150 million a day into Kremlin coffers, and there has been some easing of economic sanctions on Russia. Today, Ukraine’s President Zelenskyy is reminding EU leaders in Brussels that continuing to support Ukraine, including by releasing the €90 billion of EU loans that are currently held up and doing whatever it takes to defeat Putin, is in Europe’s best interests.
Does the cabinet secretary agree that the seized assets that belong to Russian oligarchs and other friends of Putin should be put immediately at the disposal of Ukraine’s defence?
The simple answer is yes, and we should be getting on with it. I appeal to the European Union in particular to look at that matter closely. I also take the opportunity to appeal to Hungary and Slovakia to not stand in the way of supporting Ukraine. I am meeting the Slovakian ambassador immediately after this debate, which is why I gave a short answer, and I will make that point to him directly.
Ukraine is a key part of the European family. Western unity cannot fracture, and we must continue to stand in international solidarity and steadfast support of Ukraine. As Ukraine works to consolidate recent gains and secure further political and financial backing, the Scottish Government continues to respond to urgent Ukrainian requests for support by working closely with the International Committee of the Red Cross. We have helped to ensure that medical equipment, including beds, mattresses and oxygen concentrators, are donated to hospitals and health structures in need. That includes support for burns centres, most of which are in close proximity to front lines, including Kherson and Zaporizhzhia, to support the most vulnerable.
We have joined the likes of Denmark, Sweden and France in supporting Ukraine’s defence against Russia by arranging for aquaculture nets at the end of their working life to be sent from Scotland to help the nation to defend itself against deadly Russian drone attacks. Vital infrastructure in strategic locations in eastern Ukraine will be protected by draping the nets overhead to catch exploding drones.
Following the continued escalation of missile and drone attacks that deliberately target critical energy infrastructure, the Scottish Government is also looking at how we can support the Ukrainian Government’s most recent request for energy equipment to help communities across Ukraine to regain access to reliable heating and power during this critical period. This week, with the kind support of the Energy Industries Council, the First Minister wrote to energy businesses across Scotland, setting out what is needed and seeking to identify any available equipment.
As we reflect on the urgent need for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, it is important that we also recognise the extraordinary humanitarian effort that has taken place in Scotland. Since the war began, more than 29,000 Ukrainian people have arrived in the UK, under sponsorship from either an individual in Scotland or the Scottish Government, and more than 21,000 of those arrivals have come through Scotland’s supersponsor scheme.
I place on record my deep gratitude to local authorities, third sector partners, schools, volunteers and the many Scots who opened and continue to open their homes to offer safety and stability. Through that partnership, Scotland has been able to provide a safe and warm home for those displaced by the horrors of war. Many Ukrainians have already begun to rebuild their lives here, contributing to our communities as valued friends, neighbours and colleagues. Their courage in the face of profound uncertainty continues to inspire us.
As we look forward to a future of peace, it is vital that we restate our unwavering support for all who have found safety here. Scotland will stand beside you for as long as you need us. Our country remains a place of refuge and, if you choose, a place to call home. Slava Ukraini. Heroyam slava.
That concludes the debate, and I suspend this meeting of the Parliament until 2 o’clock.
13:35
Meeting suspended.
14:00
On resuming—
Air ais
First Minister’s Question Time