Seòmar agus comataidhean

I am running short on time.

The DRS will create space in our bins for councils to innovate and expand the range and volume of materials that are recycled, which will increase recycling rates.

Any scheme that is as ambitious as Scotland’s DRS will have issues that need to be ironed out at the beginning. The concerns of small independent retailers and producers are being addressed. Yesterday’s announcement by Circularity Scotland has addressed the cash-flow issues and provided a simple labelling solution for producers of fewer than 25,000 units a year. Registration fees are being waived for some, producer fees are being reduced and handling fees are being increased for retailers. I am sure that other tweaks will come, such as online take-back requirements and exemptions from glass returns for some businesses.

It is time to reject the Tories’ scaremongering and join dozens of countries around the world that are helping to save their environment through deposit return schemes. I am proud that it will be Greens in government who deliver Scotland’s first DRS.

I just want to understand at what point the Tory Party dropped its commitment to include glass in the DRS. Was it before or after the member’s party accepted a donation from the Wine and Spirit Trade Association?

Well, well, well—first, the Tories backed a delay to Scotland’s deposit return scheme; then they wanted it sped up; now, they are calling for it to be stopped. What a reckless anti-business message that sends out to the hundreds of businesses that have quietly invested millions of pounds in the scheme. Reverse vending machines are being ordered; product packaging is being reconfigured; staff training programmes are being rolled out; and new jobs are being created.

The Tory flip-flopping and scaremongering on the DRS does not stop here. In the February recess, the dream team of Fergus Ewing and Maurice Golden hatched a letter that claimed that the DRS would actually be bad for the environment. How will the scheme be bad for the environment when it has been shown that it will reduce carbon emissions by 4 million tonnes over 25 years and will reduce litter by a third, Mr Golden?

I would simply say to Mr Bibby that he needs to read the Bute house agreement, which is clear about the commitments on the A9 and the A96.

The latest estimate has every single mile of the A9 dualling project costing between £19 million and £23 million just for construction, so that does not include management of the project or even buying the land. It is an eye-watering amount of money. Therefore, the biggest challenge to dualling every single last inch of the A9 does not come from Green arguments; it is about the financial reality that the Government faces.

Some Governments—I point out to Mr Bibby that most notable among them is the Labour Welsh Government—are starting to make difficult choices. The Welsh Government is listening to its Future Generations Commissioner and the National Infrastructure Commission for Wales, and it is abandoning vast road-building programmes and investing in other transport priorities that benefit people and the climate.

When I think of the transport challenges in the Highlands and Islands and the very real need for investment, I think of ferries, harbour infrastructure and fixed links. I think of the need to keep lifeline roads open, such as the Rest and Be Thankful. I think of the desperate need to dual the Highland main line and the investment that is needed in rail freight to get timber lorries off the roads. I think of the safety issues that we have on roads such as the A85, which can never be dualled. I think of all that, and I wonder what a further £1,400 million would deliver for all those communities.

For the A9, we absolutely need improvements—the status quo will not do—but safety improvements must come first. The recent spate of tragic fatal accidents on the A9 has happened for a range of reasons, and although dualling might have helped to prevent some of those accidents, we have also seen fatalities on recently dualled sections of the road. Dualling the A9 was never primarily a road safety project but, if we want to maximise the number of lives saved and accidents avoided across Scotland's road network, including the A9, we need to invest carefully in the right measures. Sections of the A9 dualling will still need to be completed, but investment should not stop there.

That is why I am saddened to see Liam Kerr campaigning against speed cameras on the A96, because they are a cost-effective way of saving lives. However, I credit his colleague Finlay Carson for campaigning for the introduction of speed cameras on the A75.

I have met a number of constituents to discuss A9 improvements. For example, I have met the Birnam and Dunkeld junctions action group, whose calls for safety improvements are important. Progress must be made before the next surge in visitor numbers at the start of the new season. I warmly welcome the fact that our minister, Jenny Gilruth, has acted quickly and decisively on a package that will improve driver safety, focusing first on the Birnam to Dalguise section.

Will the member give way?

Will the member take an intervention?

Will the member take an intervention?

Robbie Drummond, are there particular vulnerabilities in the west?

That is about climate adaptation. However, for climate mitigation, how can the vessels be designed to be net zero? You will have heard some of the evidence that we have just had from the Norwegians about how they are driving innovation through the tendering process to include electric and hydrogen propulsion systems in an attempt to bring down cost over time and to increase the supply chain. What are your thoughts on that? Where does the future lie, and how do we get there?

Would you therefore be looking more at ammonia bunker fuel than hydrogen and propulsion?