Seòmar agus comataidhean

I begin by making it clear that migrants and migration have had a positive impact on Scotland. In my life and career, I have known many people who decided to build their lives in this country and now call it home. I have met and worked with organisations such as Edinburgh and Lothians Regional Equality Council—I draw attention to my entry in the register of members’ interests, as I chair that organisation—as well as Networking Key Services and Milan Senior Welfare Organisation here in Edinburgh, which support new Scots to integrate in and partake of their communities.

My family is a migrant family. We moved to the United Kingdom when I was very young. People who settle here work in our NHS and our universities and run businesses. Anyone who tries to claim that those with international heritage do not contribute or do not prioritise Scotland should be rejected. They do not represent my experience, and I know that they do not represent the views of Scots.

With all that in mind, it is important that our immigration system works for both Scotland and migrants. The previous Conservative Government took an approach that worked for neither. The health and care worker visa was a blunt instrument that put people at risk of exploitation and abuse, with harrowing reports of workers being placed into debt bondage and of others paying thousands to work at non-existent care homes. The UK Government’s Independent Anti-Slavery Commissioner has said that that caused avoidable harm and severe exploitation. Migration should never be about the right to exploit vulnerable people. We need a sustainable system that prevents that from happening.

I welcome the progress that is being made on a youth experience scheme as part of the reset with the European Union, as well as the return to Erasmus+. We know how important Erasmus+ is in promoting cultural exchange. A youth experience scheme would add to that while providing our economy with greater flexibility. I hope that the UK Government will also ensure that working class and underrepresented groups can access those schemes, so that their benefit is shared across society.

It should be said that migration is not a sticking plaster solution. It alone will not resolve many of the challenges that we face. It will not end the housing emergency, fix our broken planning system, or stop the rise in violent crime. Migration will be necessary for our future in many areas, but it is a tool and we must use it correctly—not as a replacement for a skills strategy, or to contribute to exploitation, but for growing our economy and attracting highly talented people.

To ask the Scottish Government how it is working to ensure that schools are tackling racism and racist bullying. (S6O-04788)

I recently heard the story of Ekta Marwaha, who was forced to remove her daughter, Anisa, from school after months of racist bullying. The incident was reported and an apology was received from the bully, but records were not held, no follow-up work was done and the bullying continued.

There are many anti-racist toolkits, but can the cabinet secretary tell me how the Scottish Government is ensuring that they are put into practice? Will she meet me and Ekta to hear directly about the impact of racism on children?

To ask the First Minister how the Scottish Government is working to ensure that patients are accurately informed of waiting times for NHS treatments following referrals to a specialist. (S6F-04173)

I join members in congratulating Colin Smyth on bringing this issue to the chamber once more, and I pay tribute to him for his long-standing campaigning for the Fornethy survivors. I also join members in welcoming survivors and campaigners who are watching in the gallery today, and I praise their bravery and resolve.

Since 2023, I have sat on the Citizen Participation and Public Petitions Committee, where we considered the petition that calls for the Fornethy survivors to have access to Scotland’s redress scheme. The committee does not often come to strong united conclusions on petitions, but in this case, we have directly recommended to the Scottish Government that the redress scheme be widened to allow those who experienced abuse at Fornethy access to the scheme. We have concluded that an injustice has occurred and that current legislation is not fit for purpose in this case.

To be clear, seeking redress is not about money. No amount of money can undo what those women went through or the life-long consequences of that abuse.

In considering evidence, we heard three major reasons why Fornethy survivors would not be eligible under the redress scheme: the fact that the redress scheme covers only abuse in long-term care; the lack of detailed records available; and the claim that children were sent to Fornethy with parental consent. However, let us be clear that these children were in the care of the state. They were sent to Fornethy at the recommendation of the state, through teachers or medical staff who were employed by Glasgow Corporation. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the state to step up and offer meaningful redress to those affected. It should not matter for how long a person was abused when it comes to getting recognition of the pain that has been caused. There is no time limit for trauma.

On parental consent, submitted evidence includes allegations that children were told what to write home to their parents, and that they could not contact them freely. That is hardly informed parental consent.

On records, we heard from Redress Scotland that there is a presumption of truth, and that it works on a balance of probabilities when considering cases, which means that a lack of detailed records should not be a barrier to change.

The committee recommended the Scottish Government consult on extending redress. If we believe survivors, which I am sure all members do, we should at least consider what more we can do to support them.

I again pay tribute to the brave campaigners who are here today, who have not stopped fighting for recognition of the abuse that they endured. However, paying tribute means nothing if we do not offer redress and change to ensure that this never happens again.

I join members in congratulating Miles Briggs on bringing this issue to the chamber.

Anyone who uses the A720 city bypass for commuting or travel will agree on its importance. However, they, like me, will have spent hours in slow-moving, congested traffic, faced frustration at longer journey times and wondered why no progress has been made on delivering a grade-separated junction at Sheriffhall roundabout.

It has been clear for a while that change is needed. Sheriffhall was named Scotland’s most dangerous roundabout and topped the roundabout league of shame in 2019. Midlothian and East Lothian are Scotland’s fastest-growing local authority areas, and their populations are expected to grow by 15 per cent and 7 per cent, respectively. That will bring more cars, more congestion and more accidents, if nothing changes.

The A720 is also a strategically important road for Scotland’s economy. It connects Edinburgh with our largest trading partners in England; it also connects to one of our busiest cargo airports, Edinburgh airport. We must ensure that our infrastructure is a positive factor in driving growth and we must enable people and goods to move freely and easily. Upgrading Sheriffhall will enable that to happen over the coming decades, as tens of thousands of people will continue to use the bypass and junctions, even as we progress to net zero.

The motion notes that

“motorists ... have been waiting seven years”

for construction to begin, but the need for a flyover was first identified in the 2008 strategic transport projects review. The same point was made then: a flyover will contribute to road safety and reduce emissions. The proposals that ministers are considering will not only achieve those goals, but allow work on the proposed extension of Edinburgh tram and orbital bus routes to progress. Active travel is also included in the proposals. However, those things cannot happen if progress is not made.

I recognise that the process must be followed, but it is not acceptable that seven years have passed since a commitment was made, with no spades in the ground or timeline decided. There is also now doubt over the £120 million costing.

All this speaks to a wider issue with a planning system that is holding Scotland back and undermining investment in all areas of our economy. We are discussing Sheriffhall today, but we have to be clear that it is by no means an isolated case.

Today, I am hoping for transparency from the Scottish Government on funding. I want the Government to reaffirm its commitment to the project and, for safety, the economy and road users, commit to a timeline for its completion.

On a point of order, Presiding Officer. I could not connect. I would have voted yes.

Constituents frequently contact me about waits with children in unsuitable temporary accommodation lasting years. We are now seeing a concerning rise in the number of children housed in hostels and bed and breakfasts. Given that Scottish National Party members voted down amendments from my colleague Mark Griffin to require consideration of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child when allocating temporary accommodation, how can the Scottish Government say that it is serious about ending the housing emergency and stopping the unacceptable increase in the number of children being housed in B and Bs?

To ask the Scottish Government whether it will provide an update on how it is working to reduce the average time families spend in temporary accommodation. (S6O-04763)

It is a great honour to speak in today’s debate. My colleague Daniel Johnson and I come from a business background, and Colin Smyth has a background in economic issues.

I am proud of Scotland’s history of business and entrepreneurship. When I ran businesses, I was lucky enough to meet many successful innovators and entrepreneurs who had an idea and who worked hard to make it succeed. Although the proportion of Scottish businesses that are innovating by introducing or developing a new product, service or process has fallen from 50 to 22 per cent in the past 10 years, Scotland is brimming with potential to create a new generation of entrepreneurs in various sectors.

Edinburgh has growing finance and technology sectors that employ tens of thousands of people and are innovating in ways that can be applied across our economy. Taking advantage of those sectors and allowing talent to thrive are key if we want to remain competitive.

The most recent data from Scottish Enterprise shows that the Government is the most frequent investor by deal count in Scotland. Keeping in mind how agencies such as Scottish Enterprise and the Scottish National Investment Bank contribute to innovation and growth should be a priority.

Scotland’s investment and innovation system is complex and it lacks a focused economic strategy. We should be removing complexity for businesses and introducing a single point of contact across the Government for international investors, to make Scotland the most attractive part of the UK in which to operate.

Grant funding from those agencies should also be used more effectively to scale up businesses. Areas in which innovation has a key role to play, such as renewables and hydrogen, are forming an increasingly large part of our economy as we transition to net zero. If we cannot scale up those effectively, we will be left behind.

The last point that I will talk about is skills. Developing a culture of innovation and entrepreneurship is a whole-system issue on which the Government, businesses and education can all work together to deliver in the areas in which we have an advantage, such as tech. Every year, Scotland is creating around 13,000 digital skills jobs, but we are producing only 5,000 graduates to fill them. The Government can be a bridge between business and education to deliver the graduates that businesses need. That involves providing opportunities in tech skills in secondary and further education by increasing the number of computer science teachers. It involves increasing co-operation among our business schools to ensure that graduates are ready for the modern economy, and it involves enabling workers to reskill.

Scotland has the talent to innovate in new and exciting ways that will grow our economy, but we must act to ensure that talent is channelled and supported so that entrepreneurs and innovators can do what they do best.