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I welcome today’s debate. It is so important to shine a light on what women and girls in Scotland are experiencing today. There is a mismatch—the Scottish National Party Government’s aspiration in this area has not been matched by delivery. Wherever we look, from a woman’s earnings to her experience of the healthcare system, women in Scotland are too often still getting a raw deal.

The pay gap between men and women is widening. Women still experience poorer health outcomes for a range of issues. Gynaecological conditions are frequently misunderstood and misdiagnosed, and too many women are still not believed. Too many women are stuck on waiting lists for breast reconstruction and gynaecological services. Women are still more likely to live in poverty. Childcare is often inaccessible and unaffordable for working parents. The number of domestic abuse incidents is rising in Scotland, but the justice system is stacked against traumatised women, who cannot even find a legal aid solicitor to take their case.

The SNP Government says that it has strengthened the law in relation to violence against women and girls, but it keeps playing for time on making non-fatal strangulation a stand-alone crime. Fiona Drouet is having to take a civil case against her daughter’s strangler and abuser, who was given community service after her daughter took her own life due to what he did to her. How is that justice?

The document that we are debating today feels more like an SNP public relations exercise than a genuine, well-intentioned attempt to grapple with the systemic challenges that hold women back. It does not grasp the basics, either, such as protecting the rights and dignity of women and girls. The irony of the SNP Government publishing a statement on gender policy coherence is not lost on the women who have been fighting for years to protect their sex-based rights from the SNP’s thoroughly incoherent policies on sex and gender.

What timing, when human rights charity Sex Matters wrote to the SNP Government this week to warn of legal action within 14 days if it keeps failing to comply with the UK Supreme Court’s ruling on biological sex. In today’s call to MSPs, the EHRC again made it clear that the law must be followed now. How can John Swinney claim that protecting the rights of women has been one of his top priorities when his Government continues to unlawfully deny women and girls their dignity and privacy in changing rooms and toilets?

That is the reality across Scotland’s captured public bodies. The public sector equality duty is not working. The SNP Government is repeatedly dragging its feet on implementing the Supreme Court’s ruling, and its moral cowardice means that men can still access women’s single-sex spaces.

Does Katy Clark think that it is appropriate and proportionate for a male who has committed non-fatal strangulation and systemic abuse against his partner to be given community service?

Will the minister take an intervention?

The national performance framework is set by the Scottish Government as the wellbeing framework for the whole of Scotland, but concerns have been raised at committee level that there is not a single outcome on gender equality. Does the minister have a view on that?

Will the minister give way on that point?

Ms Mackay might like to listen to my speech—if she does, she will find out.

Meanwhile, the SNP’s proposed misogyny bill is just the latest in a litany of paused, ditched or botched Sturgeon-era policies. The bill was supposed to improve protections for women against misogynistic abuse, but the SNP has shamefully spent so long contesting the definition of a woman that it claims that the window to legislate has disappeared.

Today’s document renews the SNP Government’s call for the full devolution of equality legislation to enable us to enact progressive and inclusive Scottish values. In other words, now that the law on women’s spaces has been clarified, the SNP is demanding the powers to change it and pave the way for self-identification.

Against the background of the Sullivan review and the Supreme Court’s ruling, I want to speak briefly about sex and gender, as highlighted in the Scottish Conservative amendment. Gender is a nebulous word in policy making that is frequently hijacked by activist organisations to promote harmful ideology. Too often, it is conflated with sex.

If we want to be serious about sex-based inequalities, we must use the right words to frame the problem and collect the data to help us to solve it. The NHS is a prime example. Gender markers can be changed with the click of a button. We cannot manage what we do not properly measure. The voices of gender-critical campaigners must be included in Government policy making; there should not be the usual Government-funded echo chamber.

The National Advisory Council on Women and Girls was set up by Nicola Sturgeon, who maligned women for standing up for their sex-based rights during scrutiny of the Gender Recognition Reform (Scotland) Bill. Women and girls feel badly let down by the SNP Government and we have had enough—[Interruption.]

Some members might not want to hear this, but they should show respect by at least listening to a speech. Not doing so is bad manners.

We have had enough of tokenistic policy papers, supportive soundbites and the SNP’s self-identification obsession. Women want their rights respected, their dignity protected and equality with men.

I move amendment S6M-18016.1, to insert at end:

“; highlights that inequalities still exist for women and girls in Scotland in areas including health, poverty, education, earnings and employment; expresses concern that the Scottish Government continues to conflate the terms ‘sex’ and ‘gender’ following the findings of the Sullivan Review and the UK Supreme Court’s judgment in For Women Scotland v The Scottish Ministers; believes that progress towards equality for women and girls has been hampered by the Scottish Government contesting the lawful definition of ‘woman’; regrets that the Scottish Government has scrapped plans for a Misogyny Bill, and urges the Scottish Government to urgently ensure that all public bodies are following their legal obligations in light of the Supreme Court’s ruling on 16 April 2025.”

Will Katy Clark take an intervention?

Swingeing cuts in NHS Grampian will decimate as many as 79 services for patients, including a vital X-ray facility at Kincardine community hospital. In a bid to cut down overtime pay, face-to-face appointments that are deemed unnecessary could soon stop. That is a crisis of the Scottish National Party’s making, due to years of underfunding. It is clear that balance sheets are being prioritised over vulnerable patients. Will the cabinet secretary tell my constituents how long this dire situation will go on?

That is deeply disappointing for farmers. Following my question in April on the loss of agricultural land to the development of overhead transmission lines, Jim Fairlie had to write to the Presiding Officer admitting that he had got his answer badly wrong. It is painfully clear that the Scottish National Party Government does not understand the impact of energy consenting decisions on rural communities. Farmers will be listening with despair.

Does the minister agree that net zero should not be achieved at the expense of farmers’ livelihoods and—[Interruption.]—the SNP Government must urgently establish the impact that new transmission infrastructure will have on the agricultural sector?

To ask the Scottish Government what discussions the rural affairs secretary has had with agricultural organisations regarding any increases in production costs as a result of new transmission infrastructure. (S6O-04802)