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One of the first things that we would like to do is to introduce a right to recovery bill that would give people the right to recover from alcohol addiction, along with that caused by drugs. That would be a first step. We need to put more money into prevention and treatment. That is key: we can treat people to get them out of the cycle that they are in.

The SNP has had 17 years in power and its record on alcohol harm speaks for itself. We have had enough of hollow promises because Scotland deserves better. FASD prevention and support should be at the forefront of our alcohol policy and it is time for this Government to face the consequences of its failure.

I draw members’ attention to my entry in the register of interests: I am a practising national health service general practitioner.

As we recognise international fetal alcohol spectrum disorder awareness month, we must confront the stark realities of the condition. FASD is the most common preventable neurodevelopmental disorder in Scotland, full stop. It is caused by prenatal exposure to alcohol, which is a substance that can inflict irreversible harm on the unborn child.

As healthcare professionals, we see at first hand the lifelong consequences of the condition, not only for the child but for families and society as a whole. It is estimated that between 3 and 5 per cent of people in Scotland could be living with FASD. There are more than 45,000 births each year, and a shocking one in seven newborns is at risk of FASD, which is preventable. That is higher than the prevalence of autism, which is currently at 1 per cent. Those numbers should alarm us all, but, tragically, they reflect Scotland’s wider struggles with alcohol harm.

The reality is clear: the Scottish National Party Government’s policies are failing to deliver the necessary preventative measures. The chief medical officer’s advice is simple—people who are pregnant or who are trying to conceive should entirely avoid alcohol—but when 40 per cent of pregnancies are unplanned and alcohol misuse is a key contributor to risky sexual behaviour among younger people, the chief medical officer’s guidance must be supported by robust public health measures.

The SNP’s flagship policy of minimum unit pricing it is certainly not the answer. It has been paraded as a silver bullet for tackling alcohol harm, but it does nothing to directly address FASD or the broader issues of alcohol abuse, addiction and the long-term social harm that it causes.

The latest data suggest that alcohol-related deaths in Scotland have reached a high not seen since 2008. Where is the success in that? MUP has been in place for six years, but we still see no meaningful improvement in the conditions that lead to FASD. MUP also fails to tackle the root cause of many unplanned pregnancies or to ensure proper education about the dangers of alcohol during pregnancy. We cannot allow SNP members to pat themselves on the back while the very people they claim to protect suffer the consequences of weak and ineffective policy.

FASD does more than affect the child’s health: it leads to higher rates of addiction, mental ill health, suicide and involvement with the judicial system. Without the right support structures in place, those children, through no fault of their own, are left with life-limiting challenges that could have been avoided.

The economic argument is also compelling. It is estimated that preventing just one case of FASD saves £1.4 million in a lifetime, yet the Government persists with a policy agenda that kicks the problem down the road, allowing future generations to bear the burden. We need practical, targeted interventions, better education, more robust public health campaigns and immediate support for families affected by FASD, not ideological quick fixes that do nothing to alleviate the strain on our NHS.

I declare an interest as a practising NHS GP.

This is a minimum six-month halt on activity at the Edinburgh eye pavilion. I fear that the cost of remediation will spiral, and it is clear that there is no plan for where to undertake procedures that require laminar flow. On average, over the past five years, 1,629 cataract procedures and 120 emergency eye procedures were carried out at the pavilion every six months. Where exactly will all those operations be carried out during closure? Will the cabinet secretary guarantee to maintain the number of procedures during the closure period and that patient eye health will not be threatened?

I declare an interest as a practising NHS general practitioner.

There is nothing new here. Everything is rehashed and the spin is dizzying. Summer A and E waiting times are basically the same as those in winter. There is no credible plan here to address winter pressure. After 17 years of Scottish National Party failure, this is the ultimate show of giving up and going through the motions.

We have had two hours in the chamber to debate independence and we have two hours to debate the United Kingdom budget, despite our having nothing to do with either topic in this Parliament. However, we have only 20 minutes to question this lack of a plan to save lives this winter.

I am terrified about what winter will bring: patients in corridors and ambulances queued around the block. The cabinet secretary’s lack of a credible plan will mean that patient safety and staff safety and mental health will be compromised.

Will the cabinet secretary agree to the recording and reporting of instances of patients being cared for in inappropriate areas such as corridors and treatment rooms, or of additional beds being added to wards without the necessary staffing or equipment to ensure patient and staff safety and dignity?

“Severely absent” means children missing 50 per cent or more of classes. In Scotland, 20,000 children have avoided school for two or more days, and 3,000 primary school children missed 50 per cent or more in a school year. One in three children is persistently absent from school. That is a truly shocking picture.

Worse than those dire statistics is the fact that the Scottish Government has not bothered to monitor severe absence, which means that it has no idea of the true extent of the problem. So-called ghost children are out of sight, out of mind and abandoned by the Scottish National Party Government. Is it any wonder that Scottish education is crumbling under this inept SNP Government? Will the Scottish Government finally begin to collect information about children who are severely absent from school?

To ask the Scottish Government what its response is to the recent Centre for Social Justice report, “Where Have All the Children Gone?”, which found that there has been a 72 per cent increase in severe school absence rates in the last five years. (S6O-03714)

I draw members’ attention to my declaration of interests, as I am a practising NHS general practitioner.

Really, there is nothing new in the statement. It is simply a rehash of previous decisions that have clearly failed the people of Scotland, failed families and failed the record number of people who died due to alcohol and drugs this year.

The facts are that alcohol treatment regimes work, and the SNP’s flagship MUP magic bullet has not been enough to stop alcohol deaths spiralling to a record 15-year high. Will the cabinet secretary increase funding to treatment centres? Will he take the opportunity to offer a genuine apology to the families of those who died—unlike Jenni Minto, in her pathetic and woefully inadequate response in her STV interview yesterday?

Glasgow is an incredible city with amazing people who would undoubtedly put on a fantastic show. We trust that the sun would, like the last time, shine on our city during the games. If—or, I hope, when—the 2026 Commonwealth games come to Glasgow, what are the Scottish Government’s specific strategies to ensure that hosting the games would deliver lasting social, economic and cultural benefits for Glasgow’s communities? The evaluation of the 2014 games showed limited improvement in population-level health, physical activity and sports participation.

I refer members to my declaration in the register of members’ interests that I am a practising national health service general practitioner.

This afternoon, we are focused on a fundamental right. It is imperative that we create a respectful and secure environment for any woman seeking any medical care. By supporting safe access zones, we uphold the fundamental rights and dignity of all women in our community, but we must also be cautious of unintended consequences, such as limiting free speech. There is no place in Scotland for the thought police. By supporting safe access zones, we seek to balance safety with the preservation of fundamental rights and dignity for all. The Scottish Conservatives will be supporting the bill.

I have been happy to see true cross-party working on the bill, and I thank Gillian Mackay for bringing it to Parliament.

I would have liked Jeremy Balfour’s reasonable amendment to allow NHS workers in the chaplaincy service to go about their work without falling foul of the bill to have been agreed to. Having worked in hospitals, I know at first hand of the vital work that the chaplaincy service provides for people of all faiths. I do not want to create any potential no-go areas on the NHS estate for our chaplaincy services, but I understand the exception in the bill, and the reassurance that the minister has given that recklessness is a very high bar.

Meghan Gallacher was right when she said that the bill would not have been possible without the brave women who came forward to speak about their experiences. Like Carol Mochan, I agree that the quality of evidence that was provided by our witnesses at the Health, Social Care and Sport Committee was very high, which allowed for effective scrutiny of the bill.

Reproductive health sectors provide essential legal medical services, and it is imperative that no woman feels stigmatised or discouraged from accessing the services. Making the decision to have an abortion is often one of the most challenging choices that a woman faces, and it is crucial that we support her right to make that decision without added stress or intimidation. We in the Scottish Conservatives uphold the rights to protest and free speech, yet we firmly believe that—as Tess White said—those rights must not come at the expense of women’s health. Women must be able to exercise their right to access medical services free of prejudice.

Balancing those competing rights is no small task, and it is one that we must undertake with care and dedication. The Law Society of Scotland has highlighted key considerations that should guide the implementation of safe access zones, which include ensuring that any new legislation aligns with established human rights principles. As MSPs, one of our key functions is to make laws. We must ensure that we make laws that are not only just and equitable, but forward thinking and adaptable to meet the changes and challenges of our time.

It does, 100 per cent. As an NHS GP, I will always want the NHS to be free at the point of care. In fact, if you listen a little bit longer, you will hear some of our great ideas and, if you read “Modern, Efficient, Local”—