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A particular focus of antisocial behaviour has been St Enoch square and what was formerly known as the four corners area of Glasgow around Argyle Street and under the Hielanman’s umbrella, but I am sure that the petitioner will have suggestions, too.

I concur with your and Ms Mochan’s comments, convener. There is an important need to keep the petition open. It is one thing to have the Government carry out a review, but it is the Parliament’s role to keep the Government under scrutiny, and the committee has an important function in that regard. The issue is clearly a live item of business that the committee has been attending to, and we are therefore well placed to perform that role. It would also be helpful to inform the lead committee that we intend to do that.

Thank you for that insight, Mr Fleming. It seems that the financial solution sits with the Scottish Government as regards the Energy Saving Trust products that are offered via the Government. If we are able to present a counter-proposal to the Government, that could potentially offer a way to deal with the intransigence that you have experienced at a council level. It seems that there is not much appetite for moving any further in terms of the deadlines, but perhaps there could be a remedy here that is similar to the financial remedy that Manchester has reached. Could we perhaps consider taking that forward?

The petition was lodged following a spate of violence in Glasgow city centre and surrounding areas that the petitioner brought to my attention earlier in the year. Since then, there have been several instances in which the level of violence on display has been absolutely horrifying, most notably in the case of 13-year-old Abbie Jarvis. I do not want to get into the specifics of the case—legal proceedings are under way and I do not want to prejudice them—but I point out that, following media coverage, this petition has become known as Abbie’s petition, and I know that my colleague Pauline McNeill MSP has been engaging with Abbie’s family to see what can be done to support them.

I would therefore like the petition to be kept open and progressed. I know that the Government has responded by setting out the measures that it is taking to try to reduce youth violence in Scotland, but I put it to the committee that those measures have not been adequate and that in big cities such as Glasgow—particularly in the city centre—the situation is getting worse. From my conversations with Police Scotland and the Scottish Violence Reduction Unit, it appears that there is no one reason for the recent increase; indeed, the problem is multifaceted. I therefore think that the committee will benefit from hearing from the likes of the Scottish Violence Reduction Unit and, if they wish to appear before us, families who have been directly impacted by youth violence.

I propose that we invite Shelter Scotland to make a submission on the petition, as it might have some important insights.

I will preface my comments by referring members to my entry in the register of members’ interests. I am a member of Unite the union.

As I represent Glasgow, I recognise a lot of the points that have been made, particularly the controversy over the low-emission zone restrictions that are planned for introduction next year. I understand that Glasgow City Council recently announced that enforcement of the LEZ will not apply to certain taxis until 1 June 2024, which is, in effect, an extension of one year. Is that sufficient time to allow non-compliant vehicles to be retrofitted with emissions reduction systems or fully replaced?

I thank both witnesses for coming today. What does the selection procedure for the boards of Caledonian Maritime Assets Ltd, David MacBrayne Ltd and Highlands and Islands Airports Ltd look like, and how is it determined? Obviously, there is a power structure in terms of who picks the people who go on those boards. How does that process work in practice?

Vacant and derelict land is a particularly acute issue in Glasgow. I think that the bulk of Scotland’s derelict land is in Glasgow, so it would be interesting to get insights from the Clyde Gateway urban regeneration company, which is the only urban regeneration company left in Scotland, about its work and the model that it has adopted.

It would also be worth while engaging with the Royal Incorporation of Architects in Scotland and the Chartered Institute of Building, which has proposed a demolition levy to promote the reuse and renovation of buildings. A major disincentive has been created through the tax system whereby the renovation and retrofitting of existing buildings is subject to 20 per cent VAT, but demolition and new builds are zero rated, so a handicap is imposed on what should be the right thing to do. That is why you often see otherwise pleasant-looking buildings being destroyed; it does not make any financial sense for the developer to renovate them. There are some perverse incentives out there that should be investigated, because addressing them could be part of the remedy.

It seems like a rigorous process for ensuring technical competence. I guess that there is a tension between the ideal of having representation and the fact that that is severely limited because of the population base that you can draw from.

I wonder whether there is a way of providing continuous professional development not just for the transport-related boards, but more widely across Government. For example, I am dealing with significant issues with community housing association boards in Glasgow, and there is a tension with the regulator, which says that a lot of the boards do not have the necessary technical competence, which creates pressure to take control away from communities. Is there a wider cross-Government approach to improving CPD opportunities for people who are eager to participate but who perhaps do not have the technical ability that is necessary to pass the selection panel?

I want to supplement Mr Ewing’s call for more evidence or helpful information. You mentioned the wider impact on the economy. Anecdotally, I can attest to significant issues in Glasgow that have been felt by businesses in the night-time economy, which are not getting the sort of trade that they used to get because people say that it is too difficult to get back home, and therefore the city is a ghost town at night. There are massive queues at taxi ranks next to train stations—people sometimes wait for about half an hour for a taxi out of George Square, and that is midweek. Places that hold big events, such as the Scottish Event Campus, are also feeling an impact on their ticket sales.

You mentioned the manufacturing base. We had a healthy ecosystem in manufacturing taxis at Allied Vehicles Group in Possilpark, employing more than 600 people in skilled manufacturing. You mentioned that the only product available is from a Coventry and Shanghai-based manufacturer called LEVC. There is a wider economic impact, both on the taxi supply chain in Scotland and on the night-time economy in major cities such as Glasgow.

If the witnesses could furnish us with more evidence—perhaps Unite could commission work or we could try to find ways to build up the picture—it would make for a more compelling argument.