Seòmar agus comataidhean

We move to questions from Paul O’Kane.

Thank you. We move to questions from Marie McNair.

Thank you. In that case, I call Maggie Chapman.

We move to questions from Pam Gosal.

Jamie, would you like to come in on that point, please?

Thank you. We will now move on to questions from the committee.

Could you explain the ways that individuals and non-governmental organisations might attempt to access justice in relation to environmental issues? What is the process and how is it funded? Dr Christman, I put those questions to you.

As that is the case, I again thank the minister and her officials for joining us. That ends our formal business in public this morning. We now move into private session to consider the remaining items on our agenda.

I have spoken to my constituents and to the fishing industry. Their words are in my speech and members will hear what they have to say. Brexit has absolutely been an unmitigated disaster when it comes to the promises that your party served them and the subsequent outcomes.

It was vote leave architect Michael Gove—was it not?—who said:

“The day after we leave, we will be able to decide who can access our waters .. We can rebuild our fishing communities and take back control of this important natural resource.”

His double-act partner, Boris Johnson, proudly declaimed that

“We will restore Britain’s fish, and our fishermen will see an economic boom like they have not seen in decades.”

I remember the vote leave leaflets proudly exclaiming that Brexit would cut EU red tape and simplify regulations for our fishers, thereby allowing them to operate with more freedom and fewer burdensome restrictions.

However, when we strip back the bravado, what is the reality? “Take back control”, they said. Well—the trade and co-operation agreement allows EU vessels to retain significant access to UK waters under a phased arrangement. The transitional period, which will last until at least 2026, limits the UK’s control, as EU fleets continue to fish in British waters under negotiated quotas. The promise of exclusive control has not been realised in the way that fishers anticipated.

Increased quotas were promised, but many fishers feel that the adjustments have been marginal and do not compensate for the additional costs and challenges that they face due to Brexit-related trade barriers. Some industry representatives have criticised the minor quota gains as symbolic, rather than transformative.

They promised more jobs in our coastal communities, yet those communities, especially in north-east Scotland, have experienced economic challenges instead of a revival. Brexit-induced trade barriers have led to reduced profitability, especially for fish exporters, who now face increased costs and delays in getting to EU markets. Many small-scale fishing businesses are struggling to stay afloat due to rising export costs, and some communities report that there are fewer job opportunities.

“No more red tape”, they said. Instead, Brexit has introduced new administrative requirements, especially for those who export to the EU. Fishers must now complete extensive paperwork, including export health certificates, customs declarations and additional checks that delay shipments. For perishable seafood products such as shellfish, those delays have a direct impact on product quality and market competitiveness. Many fishers and processors report that regulatory burdens have increased rather than decreased, which is contrary to the promises of the Brexit campaign.

“Brexit is increasingly looking like a betrayal of the UK fishing industry”.

Those are not my words, but the words of the president of the Scottish Fishermen’s Federation, Elspeth Macdonald.

Brexit has been an unmitigated disaster for Scotland’s rural economy, and especially for our fisheries. Where Scottish fishers once dominated EU markets, our fishers now find themselves at a competitive disadvantage, compared with EU-based competitors.

Many seafood businesses in Scotland have reported a decline in export volumes since Brexit. UK fish, crustacean and mollusc exports to the EU declined by nearly 45 per cent in net mass from December 2020 to early 2023.

One of the pressing challenges that are facing the processing sector today is the severe labour shortage, which has—as we have heard from my colleagues—been worsened by limited access to EU nationals who would traditionally fill those roles. Many businesses in my constituency rely heavily on migrant workers—some up to almost 80 per cent, I have been told—and they are gravely concerned about their ability to stay operational. The proposed pay thresholds for visas are quite simply unrealistic for many of those roles. Since Brexit, the absence of EU workers has made it difficult for processing plants to run at full capacity, which is cutting productivity and driving up operating costs.

Fisherman James Stephen, who is based in Peterhead, has been at sea for 40 years. Earlier this year, he said:

“We’re such a small part of GDP, but yet we were one of the major arguments in the Brexit story. But when it all came to fruition, it was just a pack of lies we were told. We were led up the garden path.

We’ve ended up with the crumbs for extra quota, which has been one of the major things. Even the on-shore industry really gets hit by the paperwork. Now we have to export the fish to Europe. So I think for all concerned, to me, it has been a total shambles.”

Those are not my words; they are his.

I have little more to add, Presiding Officer.

I have little more to add. Our fishers have been betrayed by a Conservative Government that promised them a sea of opportunity but delivered to them a sea of troubles. It is time for Scotland to escape this Brexit.

To ask the First Minister what the Scottish Government is doing to ensure that young people are equipped with the skills to recognise online misinformation and disinformation. (S6F-03493)