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Thank you for that.

I want to touch on data, too. You have already mentioned some of the work that the Scottish Government plans to do, but what impact could that work have on councils, specifically the requirement on them to assess rent conditions in their areas? Do councils, particularly Scotland’s smaller councils, have the analytical capacity and the additional workforce to undertake that work? After all, workforce challenges are regularly raised with us.

Moreover, why is this data collection role being proposed for councils instead of being carried out at a national level? I know that different data sets are already provided at national level, but why has that not been included in the bill?

Thanks for joining us. I have a question about the understanding between tenants and landlords. To what extent do you think that tenants and landlords understand the adjudication process that you have outlined and their rights and entitlements in that?

Good morning, panel, and thank you for joining us today.

You mentioned that the principle behind the bill is to stabilise rents, but what is your assessment of the rent controls that were put in by Parliament under emergency measures and which have left Scotland with some of the highest rent increases anywhere in the United Kingdom? Does this bill not have the potential to turbocharge increases for people renting in different communities?

Thank you for that. Some of the concerns that have been raised about the bill—for example, around mid-market rent—are very important, and we should already be looking at reforming things in the bill as it stands.

We have touched on rent pressure zones, but I have a couple of questions about rent control areas. What would be the timescale and the process for developing any regulations in that respect? Also, under the rent control area provisions in the bill, what would happen in that gap after the designation of a rent control area ended? From what you have said, my understanding is that there could be multiple designations within a council area, and there is a potential risk of landlords increasing rents, especially for new lets. Indeed, we saw that happen with new lets under the emergency regulations, with the market moving; in Edinburgh, for example, we have seen very different levels of rent for the same type of flat. Globally, we have seen unintended consequences where rent controls have been used, with rents for the same property doubling.

Since the bill was published, the Scottish Government has declared a housing emergency in response to lots of councils, some of which have seen the largest rent increases, declaring their own housing emergencies. Indeed, my own council here in Edinburgh has been one of them. What response have you had to the bill since then?

I note, too, that the homelessness duties that you touched on already exist, as far as I can see, but they are being swept up in the bill. One of those duties is to ensure that children and families are not in temporary accommodation for more than a week, but in Edinburgh, some have been in such accommodation for two years. What real impact do you think this bill will have? I am concerned that this is a case of politicians talking about bringing in a bill that affects local authorities, when those authorities do not have any capacity—and, in fact, could lose it. How can we achieve the delivery of the outcomes and ensure that things do not get worse as a result of this bill? We must be very mindful of that.

A lot of the rented market in Scotland is made up of individual additional properties that people own. They are not big landlords. There is data available now showing that a lot of them are moving out of being landlords because they are expecting some of these changes. With the Housing (Scotland) Bill bringing another set of regulations and duties that they must follow, do you have any data or information from people contacting you that suggests that those landlords, who may have inherited a property that they rent out, are likely to sell up and leave the market? In Edinburgh, there is a buoyant housing market, so property can be sold quite easily. There is evidence of that taking place, but the national data set does not seem to be available to allow us to look at that. What are your views on that and the information that you are gathering from people contacting you?

Finally—we have discussed this previously—will you update the committee on COSLA’s barriers to elected office special interest group and when it will report?

Is it?

Finally, I have spoken to Conservative councillors across Scotland, some of whom have stood down and others who are still councillors. Did you consider a move towards evening meetings in order to give flexibility to people, for example? Did you consider the provision of secretarial support? That is one thing that really surprised me. In Edinburgh, the council groups are very well supported, but that just is not the case in other councils. Sometimes, administrations use that support during negotiations. That is completely wrong, but it seems to take place across Scotland. MSPs are very well supported—I do not see how we would be able to do this job without that support. Did you do a deep dive into those issues as well?

Right. That answers that question. [Laughter.]