Seòmar agus comataidhean

I wonder whether you could explain the situation a wee bit more to me. The people you and I speak to surely just want their family members or loved ones to get the help and support that they need to be better. So, is the Thistle delivering or not?

[Made a request to intervene.]

Once again, I send my apologies for not being in the chamber in person today. Nine years ago, in my maiden speech, I spoke about Scotland’s drug crisis—about the lives lost, the families broken and the communities left behind. When I addressed the chamber back in 2016, the number of drug deaths annually was 868, but in 2024 the number was 1,017. Nine years on, I stand here again, heartbroken that the situation has drastically worsened.

For me, this is not just policy; it is personal. I lost a friend to drugs when I was very young. I remember standing at her funeral on Christmas Eve, when my son was still little and thinking, “How can this be happening? How can someone so full of life and so loved be gone so soon?”. Over the years, I have lost family members, too. My neighbours have also lost loved ones, and unfortunately, many people in Glasgow can relate to that experience.

When I speak to people in the community, they ask me the same question over and over again: why do we not do something to get them into recovery? Instead, what we see is a Government that is content to manage addiction rather than help them live again.

Right now, it feels as though we are putting a plaster over a wound that needs surgery. We are treating people as lost causes instead of fighting for their futures.

In Calton, where I went to school, people feel forgotten. Residents who have spoken to me have cited that the Thistle centre’s presence has brought more drug dealers into the area. One man, an addict, who spoke to the media, said that he desperately wants to be in recovery but putting the Thistle centre there has made things worse for him. He said:

“There’s no hope. I have tried to get treatment and I just get sent away, put on methadone or on to an extra script.”

He, like many others, is asking:

“Why am I being left behind?”

That question should haunt members.

A few months ago, I put in a freedom of information request to the Thistle, and the answer that I got was devastating. Not one single person has been put into recovery from the Thistle—not one. Last week in committee, I hoped that things might have changed, but again I was told that not a single person has been put on to a recovery pathway. I was then told that that is not one of the measures of the Thistle’s success. How can we accept that? How can a so-called safer consumption space be called a success and how can we consider rolling it out to other cities if it does not get anyone into recovery?

I was told that not everyone’s recovery journey is the same, and I absolutely agree with that, but more than 460 people have used the Thistle, and if everyone’s journey is not the same, why is nobody’s journey leading to recovery?

When the Parliament voted to support the Thistle, it was under the impression that it would help more people into recovery—I voted for that. That was a promise, but the people of Calton and the people of the rest of Scotland feel as if it was just for show.

A grandma whose family has lived in Calton for more than 150 years says that she does not let her grandkids play outside anymore, and residents feel as though heroin has been decriminalised in Calton. It breaks my heart to hear that, because that community has already faced a lot of hardship, and it deserves better than to be treated as a testing ground.

I see the same pattern where I live in Springburn—the same thing that I spoke about nine years ago. I see the faces of the same people walking down the road to get the same national health service-prescribed methadone that they have been on for 30 years. That is 30 years of the same cycle and 30 years without real support to get better. That is why this bill matters so deeply. It says to those people, to the ones who believe that they have been written off, that we have not forgotten them. It says that recovery is not a privilege but a right, and it says that every person deserves the chance to get well and not to be parked on methadone for decades or ushered into a facility.

This is what I want Scotland to be. I want to see a Scotland where we invest in residential rehab, community-based recovery, aftercare, jobs and purpose. That is what changes lives.

I think back to my friend’s funeral all those years ago, and I wonder, if she had been offered real recovery, would she still be here today? That is a question that drives me. It is a question that should drive every single one of us in the chamber. Behind every statistic is a name, a face and a family. If we truly believe in compassion, in dignity and in second chances, we need to act like it.

I urge the minister yet again to look at this issue in a different light and to think about what we can do at stage 2. How can we get this bill to the point that we can have a further discussion?

People do not just deserve to survive; they deserve to live. In yesterday’s debate, the cabinet secretary Màiri McAllan said on the subject of illegal migration:

“we are talking about people ... with hopes, people with aspirations, people who have suffered and human beings who should be treated with dignity and respect.”—[Official Report, 8 October 2025; c 26.]

I agree with her, but I must ask the Scottish National Party Government why it cannot extend the same compassion, respect and human dignity to those suffering from addiction. If we are honest, this consumption facility is not a pathway to hope; it is a deferral of tragedy.

It is a waiting room for inevitability, where human beings are allowed to remain trapped in addiction for years without any real chance of recovery. Scotland does not need more managed misery; it needs meaningful recovery. It needs a Government that is brave enough to say that people deserve more than survival—they deserve to live.

I urge everyone in the chamber to listen to the message from Faces and Voices of Recovery UK:

“You keep talking, we keep dying.”

Let us do the right thing by taking action now and backing this bill.

I respect Paul Sweeney for what he is saying and for the work that he has done, but does he agree that, if we do not get one person to recovery from the Thistle, we are not doing enough? I understand that everyone’s journey is not the same, but surely there should be one person on a recovery path from the Thistle centre.

What would the minister say to the gentleman from Calton who said:

“There’s no hope. I’ve tried to get treatment, and I just get sent away, put on methadone or onto an extra script”.

Like so many others, he is asking why he is being left behind. Can the minister explain that to him?

I thank Clare Haughey for once again bringing this matter to the chamber. She should not have had to do so; it should have been dealt with back in 2017, as she said. I express my concern at the decision to close Cambuslang jobcentre in January 2026, which is a decision made by the DWP under the Labour Government at Westminster.

The closure is more than just an administrative change; it will have real consequences for people in Cambuslang—people who are trying to find work, support their families and rebuild their lives. For many in the community, the jobcentre is not simply a building; it is a vital point of access for advice, training, opportunities and human connection at what can often be one of the most difficult points in someone’s life.

By closing this jobcentre, we are asking vulnerable people—people with disabilities, mobility issues or limited means—to travel significantly further, often for more than an hour, as we have heard from Ms Haughey, to reach the next nearest centre in Rutherglen. That is not accessibility; it is exclusion.

As we have heard, the decision was taken without any meaningful consultation with local residents, councillors or community groups, and that lack of transparency is unacceptable. Local voices matter. The people of Cambuslang deserve better than to have decisions made about them, without them.

We have heard all too often that such closures are about efficiency, but there is nothing efficient about forcing people to spend more time and money to access basic support, particularly in the midst of a cost of living crisis. It is also deeply ironic that a Government that claims to promote fairness and opportunity is instead pulling up the ladder for those who need the help most.

Although I acknowledge the need for modernisation, digital tools and online services can never fully replace the face-to-face support that many people need and want. Not everyone has reliable internet access, and not everyone has the competence to navigate the system alone.

Cambuslang has already lost too many local services in recent years. We cannot continue to strip away the very foundations of community support, and then act surprised when people feel abandoned.

I would like to make clear that this is not about party politics. It is, as I said in the debate earlier today, about people. It is about ensuring that those looking for work are supported locally and are not left behind.

I also call on the UK Government to pause this closure, to properly consult local representatives, service users and employers and to commit to a full equality and accessibility impact assessment before any final decision is made.

Let us listen to the people of Cambuslang, and let us make decisions with communities, not for them. Government at every level should be about helping people move forward and not about putting more barriers in their way.

Once again, I thank my colleague Clare Haughey for bringing this debate to the chamber.

Glasgow families have been left deeply concerned by the closure of the Notre Dame children’s centre earlier this year. That service supported some of the city’s most vulnerable young people. How can the minister claim real progress when trusted community-based services such as that centre are closing their doors due to funding pressures? It leaves children without the help that they desperately need.

I thank Rona Mackay for once again bringing this important issue to the chamber. It is an issue that does not always get the attention that it deserves, but it affects thousands of people across Scotland.

Fetal alcohol spectrum disorder, or FASD, is a lifelong condition that is caused by alcohol exposure during pregnancy. It is more common than many realise—in fact, research suggests that it may be one of the most prevalent neurodevelopmental conditions in the country—yet far too often it goes undiagnosed, misunderstood or unsupported.

It is estimated that up to 5 per cent of people in Scotland are living with FASD, which is, as we heard from Rona Mackay, a lifelong but preventable condition. That is higher than the average prevalence of autism in Scotland, and we talk about autism quite a lot. A study by the University of Glasgow suggests that the prevalence of FASD could be higher than previously thought, with 42 per cent of babies having been exposed to alcohol in pregnancy and 15 per cent showing signs of exposure to frequent high consumption.

Those are not just numbers on a page; they represent lives with real challenges. People who are affected by FASD may face difficulties with memory, attention, behaviour, executive functioning, social judgment and emotional regulation. Many also live with physical health conditions that affect their heart, kidneys, eyes or hearing. Without timely support, people with FASD are at a higher risk of secondary harms, including, as we heard, mental health problems, addiction, involvement with the justice system and even premature mortality.

However, I make it clear that FASD is preventable. It is entirely caused by alcohol exposure in the womb, yet many expectant mothers do not know the full risk. In the UK, more than a quarter of women are unaware of advice to avoid alcohol during pregnancy. As we heard, that is the only way to stop FASD, and we need to encourage and educate younger women in that regard. Like Rona Mackay, when I had my baby, I was told, “Cut down—go and get a wee half of Guinness for your iron,” or something like that. However, we now know that the only way to stop FASD is to say to women that it should be “No” from the start.

I also want to highlight that FASD is often invisible. More than 90 per cent of people with FASD show no facial abnormalities, which means that diagnosis may rely on understanding brain function, behaviour and history. Many people go through life undiagnosed or misunderstood, or misdiagnosed with other conditions.

That is why awareness is so important. Awareness helps to prevent new cases by making sure that expectant mothers have clear and accessible information about the risks of drinking alcohol during pregnancy. Awareness also drives understanding, so that children and adults who are already living with FASD are met with compassion, not judgment, and receive the tailored support that they need to thrive.

To affected individuals, families and carers, I say: you are not alone—your struggles matter, and your voices deserve to be heard. To every health professional, teacher, social worker and MSP, I say that the duty before us is to act with compassion, evidence and urgency.

I know that I am coming to the end of my time, Deputy Presiding Officer. I pay tribute to the campaigners, charities and families who have worked tirelessly to break the silence around FASD. Their voices have been instrumental in driving change and reminding us all that, with the right support, people who are living with FASD can achieve so much.

Today, let us recommit to spreading awareness, supporting families and ensuring that no one who is affected by FASD feels invisible or left behind. Together, we can make sure that Scotland leads the way in tackling the issue with compassion, understanding and action.

Earlier this year, 1,200 women were asked about the impact of the “Women’s Health Plan” and 90 per cent still had concerns about accessing comprehensive health screening for conditions such as diabetes, heart disease and female-specific issues. Many expressed the fear that there is just not enough help for people suffering from menopause. What will be different about the next phase of the plan that will mean that it will ensure that the concerns of women, including those of my constituents in Glasgow, are addressed?

To ask the Scottish Government what measures it is taking to improve night-time public transport connections between city centres and suburban areas, including support for late-night bus and rail services to improve affordability, safety and service reliability. (S6O-04991)